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Kopp, M.S., Szedmák, S. , Skrabski, Á. Socioeconomic differences and psychosocial aspects of stress in a changing society
This study was supported by the OTKA T-016486, T0 13423 research
grants of the National Research Fund Published in: Ann. New York
Acad.Sci, Vol.851,1998 Prof. Maria S. Kopp, M.D., Ph.D.,
Director Institute of Behavioural Sciences, Semmelweis University of
Medicine, H-1089 Budapest, Nagyvárad tér 4., floor 20., Hungary, Tel:
+36 1 210 2953, Tel/Fax: +36 1 210 2955. E-mail:
kopmar@net.sote.hu Sándor Szedmák, M.A. Institute of Behavioural
Sciences, Semmelweis University of Medicine, H-1089 Budapest, Nagyvárad
tér 4., floor 20., Hungary, Tel: +36 1 210 2953, Tel/Fax: +36 1 210
2955. E-mail: szedsan@net.sote.hu Dr. Árpád Skrabski,
Ph.D. Foundation for Promotion of Mutual Benefit Societies H-1051
Budapest, Roosevelt tér 7-8., floor 5., Hungary Tel: +36 1 131 6329,
Tel/Fax: +36 1 131 3962
It is an interesting phenomenon, that with the
fundamental changes in the political-economic system in
Central-Eastern-Europe, the life expectancy and the other epidemiological
characteristics of our countries became worse and worse. It is especially true
in Hungary. While in 1970 the mortality rate of Austria and Great-Britain was
higher than in Hungary, up to the nineties Hungary has reached the worst
situation with 14.0 mortality per 1000 persons. On the other hand between 1960
and 1988 there was a constant increase in the gross domestic product in
Hungary, with a 208% increase compared to the 1960 level (1), thus the
worsening health status of the Hungarian population cannot be explained by
worsening material situation. According to the latest public health
studies, in developed countries national mortality rates are strongly related
to societal measures of inequality of socioeconomic situation within each
country. (2) It is an unresolved paradox of public health studies today that
in developed countries, despite social programmes which grant adequate food,
housing and medical care, there is a considerable health inequality between
the social strata (2-5). Relative socioeconomic deprivation seems to be an
important stress factor, even when controled for traditional risk factors such
as smoking, obesity, and lack of exercise (6,7). Among British civil servants,
Marmot et al (8) found an inverse association between employment grade and
prevalence of angina, EKG evidence of ischemia, and symptoms of chronic
bronchitis, that is there exists a significant social class difference in
morbidity, not only in mortality rates. Especially well estabilished is the
relationship between social status and coronary heart diseases, with the more
socially disadvantaged being at higher risk (9). According to a review of a
number of studies (10) on health and social inequities in Finland, in
comparison with other developed countries, mortality, overall morbidity, and
perceived health (11) show similar relationships.
Socioeconomic stress factors in the Hungarian population
The most important psychosocial and socioeconomic stress factors were
analysed with the help of national representative studies in 1983, in 1988 and
1995 in the Hungarian population (12-15). In 1988 20.902 persons, in 1995
12.640 persons were examined in the form of home interviews. The studies
represent the Hungarian population over the age of 16 according to sex, age,
and place of residence. The group of questions concerning the
socio-economic situation contained 107 questions, the group concerning the
health status, health behaviour and psychosocial characteristics contained 209
questions. Depressive symptomatology was measured by Shortened Beck
Depression Inventory (BDI).(16,14) Health status was quantified by sick days
in the last year. The subjects answered two questions for 26 disease groups on
whether they had been treated because of the given illness at some time in
their life, and how many days they were actually sick because of the given
illness in the past year. We calculated the total number of sick days for the
whole past year for each subject. The interactive effects of socioeconomic
factors, depressive symptomatology and sick days were analysed separately for
men and women using hyerarchical loglinear regression analysis. Figure
1. shows these interrelationships for the Hungarian male population in
1995. According to hierarchical log linear analysis, depressive symptomatology
mediates between the socioeconomic factors and higher morbidity rates,
reflected in more sick days in more disadvantaged groups. When depressive
symptomatology was included into the multivariate analysis, sick days and all
of the measured socioeconomic factors were in more close direct connection
with severity of depressive symptomatology, than the direct connection between
socioeconomic factors and morbidity discussed above (2-5, 17). It is
interesting, that between 1988 and 1995 among women the mediating effect of
depression between socioeconomic situation and overall morbidity increased
significantly. While in 1988 only the overall socioeconomic characteristics of
the family, such as bad housing conditions and no access to a car were
connected to depressive symptomatology (14), in 1995 the own employment status
of women became more important in connection with depression and sick days
(Figure 2). Between 1988 and 1994-95 a significant polarization of
the psychosocial and health status of the population could be observed, with
extremely high depression scores in persons relatively less successfull during
the social and economic changes. Figure 3. shows the mean scores of
Beck Depression Inventory by employment status in 1988, 1995 and among
unemployed persons in 1995 (there was no unemployment in 1988 in Hungary). The
active population (working and studying persons) were included into this
analysis. There are significantly higher depression scores among unemployed
persons. (Depression Score higher than 1o means mild depressive
symptomatology) (14) Similarly high depression values are among unemployed
managers to unskilled workers.That is unemployment is a most important stress
factor, especially in the lowest and highest socioeconomic strata. It is
striking the almost determining role of fathers emloyment in 1995, which means
that in a changing society the low socioeconomic situation of the father is a
fundamental risk factor in connection with emotional and physical
vulnerability (Figure 4). During the last decades the socioeconomic
situation of the Hungarian population became more and more polarized. Whereas
in 1970 there was an almost equally low level of property ownership, by the
end of the eighties a proportion of the society had reached a much better
economic situation, posessing one or more cars, owning property and having a
significantly higher income. That is, the relative differences within society
increased considerably. A vicious circle might be hypothetised between
depressive symptomatology and a socially deprived situation, which as a stress
factor plays a significant casual role in ill health. Relatively deprived
persons living among undesirable social conditions (such as without a car,
living in bad housing conditions) might suffer from constant relative
deprivation, might sense helplessness and constant loss of control over their
own situation which in the long run might result in depressive symptoms. They
might regard the future as hopeless, they might blame themselves for their low
achievements, they are not as well supported when they become ill. This is a
more important factor during a time period of rapid economical changes and the
consequent polarisation of the social situation of the population, as has been
happening in Hungary since 1970s. That is, not the objective socioeconomic
situation, but the negative cognitive evaluation of the relative deprivation
is the central stress factor. Depressive symptomatology as the mediator of
socioeconomic stressors in socially disadvanted groups, might influence
perceived health and health related behaviour and consequently might result in
working disability without organic causes. In modern societies working
disability caused by inability to cope with everyday situations, and emotional
and behavioural disturbances have become more important factors than
disabilities caused by physical handicaps or infectious diseases. There is a
significant inverse relationship between depression and health behaviour, with
a higher level of smoking, alcohol abuse and suicidal behaviour among more
depressives (18-20). Persons with lasting mood disorders are both more
susceptible to different kinds of disorder, and in parallel, they are less
able to improve their social conditions. In the past years, depression or
vital exhaustion has been found to be a risk indicator for coronary heart
disease (21-23). Learned helplessness or hopelessness, which can be regarded
the best model of depression result in decreased immunological activity that
influences tumour growth (24) and an inverse relationship can be seen between
severity of depression and susceptibility to different kinds of
infections. These results indicate that the subjective evaluation of
socioeconomic deprivation can be regarded as serious stress factor and the
majority of health consequences of relativly lower socioeconomic situation are
mediated by a depressive state. This phenomenon is probably an important
component of deteriorating health status in Hungary after the 1970s, where
socioeconomic polarisation increased suddenly and considerably and the masses
left behind might apprais their situation as hopeless and helpless.
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